BRIEF HISTORY OF UNLF

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United National Liberation Front:Manipur

Brief history

The British occupied Manipur from 25 April 1891 till their colonial rule ended on 14 August 1947 in the Indian sub continent. Close on the heels of the British, the Dominion of India treacherously annexed Manipur on 15 October 1949. It is obvious that Manipur was a sovereign independent country during the interregnum. The intrinsically freedom loving people of Manipur did never accept the forcible annexation by India. As such hardly two years into the Indian occupation, patriotic movements began to stir in Manipur. It is only a natural desire for people once independent and sovereign. All the people and nations on this planet want to exist in freedom and independence. It is their legitimate national rights. International law recognizes the rights of all people to use any and all means to achieve their sovereign independence. Destined to tread on this historical path, the UNLF was born on 24 November 1964 to fight for the restoration of Manipur’s sovereign independence.

The founder members of the UNLF are:

1. Kalanlung Kamei - Founder President (from Naga community)

           Thanagong Village, Tamenglong Distt

2. Thongkhopao Singshit - Founder Vice-President (from Kuki community) Jalenphai Village, Ihang Karong, Sadar Hills

3. Arambam Somarendro - Founder Gen Secy (from Meetei community) Sagolband, Meino Leirak, Imphal

4. N. Pahari - Chief of Army Staff Yaiskul, Chingakham Leirak, Imphal

5. Longjam Manimohan - Organisation, Hills Keisamthong, Longjam Leirak, Imphal

6. NK. Sanajaoba - Organisation, Youth Front Singjamei Wangma, Kshetri Leikai

7. Laishram Kanhai - Member, Central Committee Sega Road, Imphal

A prominent social activist who was instrumental in establishing the UNLF was Oja Sagolsem Indramani, the pioneer of body building culture in Manipur.

OUTLOOIK: All the ethnic groups in Manipur have their own distinctive identities. Therefore, all of them must coexist and co-develop together respecting one another’s distinctive identities, particularly of the smaller communities by the bigger ones. The political objective of the UNLF is to establish a sovereign, independent, united and democratic country with the guiding principle of ‘Autonomy at all levels’ while it will pursue a social goal for socialism adapted to the specific conditions of Manipur. Further, the UNLF believes in the basic unity of the entire occupied ‘north eastern region’ and that all the ethnic groups in the region should coexist in freedom and independence.

UNARMED PROPAGANDA: That armed struggle should be the main form of struggle is the fundamental line of the UNLF given the repressive colonial rule of India. However, the UNLF has all along believed in the united strength of the people and as such unarmed and democratic struggles have always been a part of UNLF’s core strategy. Based on this strategy, the UNLF launched unarmed propaganda during the period between 1964 and 1967 to expose the colonial situation. The campaign was conducted under the covert name of Political Review Committee. The committee distributed leaflets widely and conducted grassroots campaign from village to village using loud speakers.

This campaign caught the imagination of our patriotic educated youth and many of them joined the UNLF voluntarily. This tremendously boosted the work for building grassroots Party organisations in various parts of Manipur. The campaign then focused on spreading the ideals of patriotism displayed by our forefathers against foreign domination. For this purpose the UNLF propagated historical events highlighting the sovereign independence of Manipur. Along with this unarmed campaign, the UNLF began to explore foreign help and assistance in launching an armed national liberation struggle against India.

In the middle of 1967, the Party sent a team led by the Foreign Secretary Oinam Sudhir Kumar to the then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) to explore help and assistance. After the initial explorations a higher level team led by the then General Secretary Arambam Somorendra visited East Pakistan early 1968. There, they also contacted other countries which support national liberation struggles.

FIRST SPLIT: Towards the end of 1968 when the UNLF was making enthusiastic efforts to build up the national liberation struggle, the first sign of factional politics instigated by Foreign Secretary Sudhir Kumar began to appear within the UNLF. He along with his right hand Nameirakpam Biseshwar ultimately left the UNLF and formed the ‘Revolutionary Government of Manipur’. Sudhir Kumar wrongly calculated that his contact with Pakistan would facilitate formation of his separate set-up. Thus he misled about 70 volunteers of the UNLF and took them to East Pakistan. However, the East Pakistan authorities, knowing Sudhir Kumar from the previous visit, asked him to produce credentials from the UNLF. On failing to do so, East Pakistan authorities arrested and detained all of them in Sylhet jail. Subsequent negative activities of the RGM in Manipur deliberately dragged the name of the UNLF and its leaders, hitherto unknown to the Indian government. Then the Indian government began to hunt UNLF leaders and sympathisers. Thus ended the secret existence of the UNLF.

The above developments compelled General Secretary Somorendra to go underground in July 1969. His fragile health condition began to deteriorate and had to be taken to a safe house in Kathmandu, Nepal. The puppet State government began to arrest overground workers of the UNLF. Sudhir Kumar’s immature outlook that liberation struggle could be launched if some arms and ammunition is procured from foreign countries neglecting the primary work of political socialisation and mobilisation of the people, was the first setback resulting from left adventurism not only for the UNLF, but for the liberation struggle in general.

Ultimately, Sudhir Kumar betrayed the liberation struggle and became a counter revolutionary working against the national struggle in collusion with the state government. The UNLF learnt a lesson from Sudhir Kumar’s mistake that revolutionaries could become counter revolutionaries when deflecting from the dead end of extreme left adventurism towards right opportunism.

NEW STEPS: When East Pakistan became independent from Pakistan as Bangladesh in 1971, the liberation struggles of the Region lost the convenient logistics of receiving direct help and support from Pakistan. Many a changes have taken place inside Manipur as well. After a thorough review of the overall situation, the UNLF leadership concluded that building Party organisations inside Manipur and forging close relationship with liberation struggles in the Region are fundamental and shifted focus in this direction.

The UNLF General Assembly in its session held in the winter of 1974 accepted the request of President Kalanlung and Vice-President Singshit to be relieved of their respective responsibilities in view of their failing health. Thus a new Central Committee was elected and Arambam Somorendra became its Chairman. In 1975 the State Government declared a ‘General Amnesty’. Taking advantage of this opportunity Chairman Somorendra returned to overground life following a Central Committee decision in September 1975, though a few Central Committee members expressed opposite views in this regard. That was the time when the Naga underground signed the ‘Shillong Accord’ and surrendered a number of arms. However, the Tangkhuls in the Naga National Council, who joined the Naga struggle in 1964, did not accept the Shillong Accord. Looking from a regional perspective, the UNLF decided to develop relationship with the anti Accord Tangkhuls who declared to continue the Naga struggle. As a positive result of this new relationship, the UNLF availed the opportunity of sending a two-men Goodwill Delegation to meet with the NNC leadership in December 1976. The Delegation accompanied a group of Tangkhuls led by Ngaithingkhui Ahum the ‘Midan Piyu’ (Commissioner) of ‘Wung Tangkhul Region’ comprising about 80 men and women, including new recruits, to proceed to the NNC Headquarters in Eastern Naga areas inside Myanmar. The group marched all the way starting from Sirarakhong village in Ukhrul District, crossed the Manipur-Myanmar border between Huisui and Poi villages and passed through the Somra Tract towards the north before they reached NNC headquarters in Khiemnungan tribe area. The Group was ambushed several times by the Myanmar Army before they could reach the NNC headquarters. Our Delegation members lost their belongings, including their money, in the first ambush at Yophaju village in the Mikhori area on New Year day 1977. The march took about 25 days.

The Goodwill Delegation was led by CC Member Sana Yaima with Namoijam Oken as member. Namoijam Oken was selected from among 8 Cadres after a grueling training session conducted by Sana Yaima himself for one month at a camp in the Maring area of Chandel District. When they arrived NNC Headquarters only Isak Chisi Swu, the then NNC Foreign Secretary, was available and he preferred to hold the meeting with the UNLF Delegation after General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah returned from China. Muivah returned in March 1978 and he himself came down to the temporary camp where the Delegation members were also staying. In the first meeting, the Delegation briefed him on UNLF’s regional perspective of the basic unity of the Region and the historical necessity of a united struggle against India for the common cause of independence. Muivah appreciated UNLF’s political outlook. He even remarked that for the first time he heard about a united struggle, though this is the advice the Chinese authorities have all along been giving to them. He even remarked that ‘Nagaland can always be part of a Union’. The talks lasted for four days. Staying in the small camp together, almost as a family, Sana Yaima could establish a good personal equation with Muivah.

However, the situation within the NNC completely changed when some Naga Army officers belonging to Angami, Ao, Chakhesang and Khiemnungan tribes staged a coup de tat in September 1977 and arrested Muivah, Isak and other prominent leaders who are very vocal in opposing Phizo’s silence on the controversial Shillong Accord. The UNLF Delegation members were also taken to a far away Naga Army Camp where they had to almost a year.

In January 1979 the Naga Army returned power to a new Federal Government of Nagaland with SS Khaplang as President. Venu Chakhesang became the new Vice-President of the NNC. The new leadership invited the UNLF Delegation for formal talks and hosted a banquet in their honour. Sana Yaima also had one-to-one talks with Khaplang and discussed all the relevant aspects of the common struggle for independence. By this time Khaplang managed to release Muivah, Isak and other jailed leaders. The Delegation also met with them in a separate camp before they left for their return journey to Manipur. Muivah disclosed that they will abandon NNC and form a new organisation.

The UNLF Delegation returned to Manipur in April 1979. Angelus Shimrah, one of the close associates of Muivah was assigned to accompany the Delegation members up to Manipur. During this mission the Delegation had the opportunity to study and assess the positive as well as the negative aspects which may be encountered in forging a united struggle of the Region against India. Especially, the Delegation could assess the strength and weakness of the Naga struggle, the political and ideological outlook of their leaders, their inter relationships and individual qualities. The Delegation also saw the Naga Army in action from which they could gauge their fighting qualities, deficiencies and inner contradictions. The Delegation could also see from a close range the essentially tribal character of the Naga struggle and the fragile stage of identity formation of the ‘Naga nation’. Above all, the Delegation could see the sharp contradiction generated by the arrogance of the Tangkhuls and the critical reaction of other Naga tribes which was indicative of the likely course of the Naga struggle under the leadership of Thuingaleng Muivah and his Tangkhul associates. This profoundly helped the UNLF in shaping policies for bilateral relations with the Nagas in particular and the Region in general. However, back in Manipur things were not going well for the UNLF also. The Central Committee, particularly its core leadership, was losing control of Party organisations.

SECOND SPLIT: In Manipur, PLA and PEPAK began a vigorous armed campaign in 1978-79. During that period, however, the UNLF was bogged down by small-group politics and could not take any positive step forward. When Sana Yaima and Oken was away for the mission to meet Naga leaders, internal problems of groupism arose and undermined UNLF’s unity. The problem ultimately turned antagonistic as the Central Committee could not take timely steps to resolve the problem amicably.

Ultimately one group, led by CC member Achou Toijamba and assisted by Namoijam Oken broke away from the UNLF towards the end of 1980. However, in 1981 despite the internal situation, the UNLF took the step for preparing the foundation for regional unity by sending an 11-member {Kh. Pambei- Pioneer Leader, A. Wangpa-Assistant, NC Koireng, Laba, Khaba, Mangang, Imo, Chinglen, Chaomacha(Selungba), Ibungo(sagor), Ibomcha(Wangthoi)}Goodwill Team christened as ‘Pioneer Group’ to the headquarters of the newly formed NSCN led by Chairman Isak Chisi Swu, Vice-Chairman SS. Khaplang and General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah after breaking away from the NNC.

RECTIFICATION: For several years, the lack of clear understanding on ideological and political line of the Party and the absence of a well defined organisational structure and hierarchy under a constitution began to breed indiscipline within the Party. This phenomenon gradually undermined the unity of the Party since late 1970s. During the early part of 1980s the Party began to realise that it will not be able to shoulder its responsibilities unless and until these weaknesses are not rectified. Therefore, after making necessary preparations the Party convened a Constituent General Assembly in March 1984 and adopted a new Constitution and General Programme bringing about structural changes within the UNLF. The General Assembly elected Sana Yaima as General Secretary along with an entirely new Central Committee with the average age of 31 years. This General Assembly marked a turning point in the history of UNLF.

NEW STEP: The newly elected Central Committee gave priority to building Party organisations anew. However, the Party also took concrete steps to forge a united struggle of the Region along with the effort to give a correct direction to the national liberation struggle of Manipur. In 1984 a Memorandum of Understanding was signed in Imphal with ULFA (established in 1979) represented by their Vice-President and General Secretary. The two Parties agreed to fight together against India and also to extend mutual help and assistance. In November 1984 an 11-member Goodwill Delegation of the Party with General Secretary Sana Yaima as Delegation Leader, Khundongbam Pambei as Deputy Leader, Ayekpam Wangpa as Section Commander set out for a long journey to meet the leaders of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in Eastern Naga areas. The destination of the Delegation was Kachinland to meet the leaders of Kachin Independence Organisation.

The Delegation had several rounds of meeting with the leaders of NSCN, namely, Chairman Isak Chisi Swu, Vice-Chairman SS. Khaplang, General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and Kilonser (Minister) Yaruingam. In the meetings the UNLF delegation underscored the basic unity of the Region and the historical necessity of a united struggle of the region against Indian colonial occupation. From these deliberations the Delegation discovered the differences among the NSCN leadership and also between the NSCN and the UNLF. ULFA, however, shared the views of UNLF. From NSCN headquarters, the UNLF Delegation further proceeded to Kachinland in January 1985 to explore the prospects of establishing contact with the Communist Party of Burma and through them with the Chinese Communist Party besides meeting with KIO leaders. The Goodwill Delegation also met with the then leader of PLA Mr. Temba at KIO Headquarters and discussed about unity. Though the exercise did not produce any immediate result, the idea of a united struggle of the region was mooted for the first time. When Sana Yaima and his Delegation was away for the foreign mission, the UNLF suffered some setbacks in Manipur. A number of Central Committee members were arrested following an accident in which one of its cadres received bullet injury fired accidentally by another cadre in a financial operation.

ARMED PROPAGANDA: Thus, after a general assessment of the revolutionary environment in the Region, the UNLF took steps to launch the campaign of armed propaganda. The General Assembly session held in December 1986 took the decision to re-establish the armed wing of the Party. The armed wing of the UNLF was rechristened Manipur People’s Army on 9 February 1987. The MPA was assigned the task of conducting armed propaganda, first in the valley areas of Manipur. Initially the campaign was directed against anti social elements and social evils, particularly rapists and delivered prompt justice by meting out exemplary punishments to the culprits. The UNLF also launched a sustained drive against drug abuse and alcohol. The actions of the UNLF relieved the pent up grievances of the common people and earned their sympathy and trust. Thus, the armed propaganda campaign successfully identified the UNLF with the masses of the common people in a relatively short period of time. After enlisting the sympathy and trust of the common people, the UNLF began to take on the Indian Occupation Forces to sharpen the national contradiction between Manipur and India.

The Fourth Regular Session of the General Assembly held in 1998 decided to assign the MPA to build revolutionary base areas in the hill districts of Manipur and to get prepared for full-fledged confrontation with the IOF. The task of conducting armed propaganda in the valley areas was entrusted with the Department of Organisation. This arrangement was done in order to embark on a new stage of the national liberation struggle.

MANIPUR PEOPLE’S ARMY: The original name of the armed wing of the UNLF was People’s Liberation Army (PLA) that was established in 1967. However, in order to avoid confusion with another organisation of the same name that emerged later in 1979, the armed wing of the UNLF was rechristened as Manipur People’s Army (MPA) in 1987. The UNLF began to impart Basic Military Training (BMT) to its 1st Batch comprising 34 trainees in February 1987 at its own Training Centre in NSCN Base Area under the personal supervision of Chairman Sana Yaima (then General Secretary). The Chairman himself administered the oath of allegiance and took the salute of the Passing-Out Parade of the first batch held on 9 February 1987. This historic day has come to be celebrated as ‘MPA Day’. The BMT was conducted by UNLF’s own instructors using a self-compiled Basic Military Training Manual. From its rebirth, there has been no looking back for the MPA. Soon, hundreds of patriotic youth of Manipur who are ready to sacrifice for the Motherland were given BMT batch after batch. Thus began building the MPA to become one of the most powerful and disciplined fighting force in the Region’s liberation struggle.

RAPPROACHMENT: When the UNLF Goodwill Delegation led by Chairman Sana Yaima was returning from Kachinland to NSCN CHQ in June 1986, Namoijam Oken gave them a surprise was by coming over to receive them at forward village accompanying a UNLF Cadre. He had come to the NSCN CHQ to talk about reconciliation between his group and the UNLF. Chairman Sana Yaima was happy to see Oken’s gesture and emotionally shook hands with him. They were as before as if nothing had happened. They came back together to the NSCN CHQ where Chairman Isak, Vice-Chairman Khaplang and General Secretary Muivah were all waiting for them. In the subsequent meetings with Oken it was agreed that the two sides will merge together as UNLF as before. In order to materialise this agreement they left NSCN CHQ together to return to Manipur. Unfortunately however, Oken was nabbed by the State police only a few days after he entered Manipur. In his absence though, the reconciliation process moved on. In 1987, even when the first batch of Basic Military Training was in progress, the reconciliation process was completed at the UNLF camp at NSCN CHQ. Both sides agreed to merge on the basis of the current UNLF Constitution with Sana Yaima remaining as General Secretary. Some senior members of Oken group was inducted in the Central Committee while in the Standing Committee two original member resigned to give way to Oken’s representatives. Thus the reconciliation process was completed.

MANIPUR UNITY: Even as the reconciliation process of the UNLF was being completed, representatives of PREPAK and KCP reached NSCN CHQ for holding talks on unity. A contingent of PLA/RPF led by Manikanta was already camping there after returning from Kachinland. The first ever joint meeting of Manipur’s revolutionary organisations took place at the UNLF camp. KCP was represented by its Chairman Ibopisak, PREPAK by its Chairman Wanglen and a Cadre, RPF/PLA by Manikanta and some Cadres, and UNLF by the then General Secretary Sana Yaima, Member-in-Charge Home Affairs Hodam Ibomcha and CC member Koibi. Except the RPF/PLA, all other Parties accepted unity in principle. However, Manikanta of PLA avoided giving any political commitment on the pretext of being an army man. However, KCP, PERPAK and UNLF proceeded to adopt a resolution affirming unity among them. Even though the resolution could not be materialised, it did not belittle the significance of the meeting being the first to discuss unity among Manipur’s revolutionary parties.

SECOND TRIP TO KACHINLAND: Along with the building of MPA as a disciplined fighting force, it was time for the UNLF to procure arms and equipments in large quantities. But this has always been a headache for the UNLF leaders, for procurement of arms and equipments has always been a tricky problem. This time the UNLF leadership decided to explore such procurements from Kachinland through the KIO or independently. With this decision, Chairman Sana Yaima left for Kachinland for the second time from NSCN base area in January 1989 just after the beginning of the internal conflict within the NSCN. This time a contingent of trained 40 MPA cadres accompanied the Chairman in the mission. On reaching the 2nd Brigade area of the KIA, however, the UNLF/MPA Contingent could not proceed to KIO Headquarters because of Burmese military offensive in that area. Under the circumstances, the KIA/KIO made alternative arrangements for the Contingent to hold at a place called Manching in the 6 Bn area of KIA 2nd Brigade. The contingent established a camp in a nearby jungle along the Uru River, not very far from its confluence with the Chindwin River near Homalin. However, even after camping there for about a year, the Contingent had to return empty handed because of Burmese military offensive in that area as well. The failure of this mission to procure arms and ammunition, through KIO or otherwise, convinced Chairman Sana Yaima that the UNLF has to look elsewhere for such procurements.

UNLF AND NSCN FEUD: Chairman Sana Yaima and some members of the Contingent who went to Kachinland reached NSCN CHQ in February 1990. UNLF CHQ Secretary A. Wangpa already reached there after having been released from Imphal Central Jail. Here Chairman Sana Yaima had several rounds of meetings and discussions with NSCN Vice-Chairman Khaplang about the overall situation in the Indo-Burma Region, about bilateral relations between UNLF and NSCN and of course the internal feud of the NSCN. During these meetings Chairman Sana Yaima was briefed by Vice-Chairman Khaplang about the recent action he has taken against General Secretary Muivah and other officers, mainly Tangkhuls. Khaplang explained the fundamental differences between him and Muivah on the question of ‘talks’ with India, Muivah wanted to go ahead for talks with India while Khaplang did not see any favourable condition for the same. However he disclosed that the whole problem arose from the manipulation of ‘prophesy’ at the highest level from personal considerations. Besides, the general resentment of other Naga tribes against the arrogance of Tangkhuls, particularly leaders and officers, was very vocal. Chairman Sana Yaima and other senior leaders of the UNLF are already familiar with these internal contradictions of the NSCN since 1976. The UNLF already knew about three months ahead that something was brewing against the Tangkhuls within the NSCN. Knowing fully well about the negative consequences that will arise from a showdown, Chairman Sana Yaima and leaders of other organisations tried to mediate between Khaplang and Muivah. But it was too late when Muvah gave his reluctant consent. Though the fratricidal killings were painful, the UNLF did not take sides in the NSCN conflict. However, the UNLF continued to maintain bilateral relations with the NSCN through Vice-Chairman Khaplang at the NSCN CHQ as Chairman Isak Chisi Swu formally handed over charge to him before leaving for Kachinland in early January 1989.

FORMATION OF IBRF: In March 1990 Chairman Rajkhowa of ULFA also reached NSCN CHQ for a joint meeting of NSCN, ULFA and UNLF. In the meeting NSCN was represented by Chairman-in-charge Khaplang and General Secretary Dally Mongroe, the UNLF was represented by Chairman Sana Yaima and CHQ Secretary Ayekpam Wangpa while the ULFA was represented by Chairman Rajkhowa and a cadre. In the meeting ULFA proposed the formalisation of the hitherto informal united front which the NSCN also endorsed. Though the political exigencies for ULFA and Khaplang to declare the formation of the united front at that particular point of time was obvious, the UNLF endorsed the proposal in the larger interest of the Region. As a result of several rounds of deliberations the Indo Burma Revolutionary Front (IBRF) was formed on 22^nd  May 1990. SS Khaplang became IBRF Chairman, Arabinda Rjkhowa Vice-Chairman and Sana Yaima General Secretary. This was the first ever united front formed in the Indo Burma Region to fight together for the common cause of independence.

PROCUREMENT OF ARMS: While camping in the NSCN base area, a group of Chin National Front (CNF) members including some officers reached there from Kachinland on the way back to the Chin Hills. Chairman Sana Yaima and other officers developed a cordial relation with the CNF. The UNLF helped carry some weapons of the CNF from the NSCN base area up to Churachandpur District of Manipur. In the early part of 1993 Chairman Sana Yaima met General Secretary Roger and Major Jing Chung of CNF to discuss a joint project of procuring arms from a foreign country. They agreed that UNLF will finance the project while CNF will take care of the procurement and logistics aspects. Under this agreement a joint team was assigned to a foreign country soon after the meeting to make the necessary arrangements. After a long delay by many unforeseen situations the consignment of weapons reached its destination in 1996. This consignment came at such a time when it was badly needed. This enabled the UNLF/MPA to expand its area of operations into the hill areas. Another consignment of about 3000 assorted weapons reached UNLF base areas in July 1998. This procurement made the UNLF/MPA one of the best equipped fighting force among the liberation struggles in the Region. The enhanced firepower boosted the morale of MPA cadres and strengthened the MPA qualitatively. With the increased strength the UNLF began to their expand base areas for the national liberation struggle. That was the beginning of a qualitative change in the equation of forces between the Indian Occupation Forces on the one hand and the National Liberation Forces on the other.

INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN: While the focus of the struggle was being set against the IOF inside Manipur, the Party was also taking steps to draw the attention of the international community to the repressive colonial situation in Manipur. In 1995, Chairman Sana Yaima (then General Secretary) along with the then Home Affairs Member-in-charge late Hodam Ibomcha embarked on a tour of some European countries to expose the inhuman Indian military repression in Manipur. They briefed some progressive Members of Parliament in the European Union in Brussels, Belgium about the military repression behind the smoke screen of democracy. In August the same year, Chairman Sana Yaima made an intervention, for the first time from Manipur, in the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations in Geneva and informed the house about the State Terrorism of under Indian colonial rule in Manipur was committing rampant human rights violations, such as Extra Judicial Killings, Enforced Disappearance, Rape and Torture. Though it may not be appropriate for a nation like Manipur to take the floor in the forum for ‘indigenous populations’ it did help in informing the UN, foreign governments and international NGOs about the forcible and illegal annexation of Manipur by India and the sufferings of the Manipuri people under repressive Indian colonial rule. In 1996 and 1997 also Chairman Sana Yaima took the floor in the Annual Sessions of the UN Sub Commission on Human Rights in Geneva on the same issue. In response to these interventions several international NGOs and representatives of some sympathetic countries appreciated the statements and encouraged the cause of the UNLF as legitimate.

MANIPUR PEOPLE’S LIBERATION FRONT: In pursuit of unity of liberation forces of Manipur, the UNLF began to reestablish contact with other Parties from 1994, first with RPF/PLA, then PREPAK and KCP. The first opportunity for meeting together came when all the leaders attended the Anniversary of ULFA in 1995. It was followed up by initial rounds of deliberations in 1997 and 1998 by representatives of PREPAK, RPF and UNLF. Finally they agreed in principle to work together. Top leaders of PREPAK, RPF and UNLF held a long session for about twenty days in February 1999 to concretise the general agreement on principles of working together into a declaration for unity, first as a united front but ultimately merging into one party. Thus Manipur People’s Liberation Front (MPLF) came into being on 1 March 1999. To this effect a declaration was issued on that day signed by Chairman, President and Chairman of PREPAK, RPF and UNLF respectively.

FRATRICIDAL CONFLICT: In 1990-91, when efforts were being made to move forward in all directions, the UNLF once again suffered the setback of split. The reconciliation in 1987 of the split in 1980 did not last longer than 1990. The same phenomenon began to bog down the Party. This time however, an unprecedented bloodshed caused heavy loss of precious lives. After 9 long years of killings, patriotic sense prevailed on both sides and agreed to ceasefire from 11 June 2001 through mediation by PREPAK. It has always been a basic policy of the UNLF to avoid internal conflicts as far as possible. The guiding principle of this policy is ‘if friendship not possible, avoid enmity’.

NEW STEP FOR LIBERATION STRUGGLE: The UNLF began its armed propaganda in 1990 as mentioned before. By 1995, this armed campaign created a new revolutionary situation in Manipur. During this period a large quantity of arms and equipments were procured after many years of hard work. This enabled the UNLF/MPA to expand its activities in the hill areas extensively. The MPA successfully accomplished the assigned tasks of building good public relations thereby establishing liberation base areas in the East, West, North and South of Manipur. When the favourable situation has been created, the MPA began to strike against the Indian Occupation Forces extensively from 2001 onwards. The MPA engaged the IOF 60 times up to April 2006. From 2003 to 2005 the IOF tried to dislodge the UNLF/MPA from the base areas. In this operation code-named ‘Operation All Clear’ the IOF deployed one India Army Division (three Brigades) and three brigade strength of para military forces. So far this has been a prolonged campaign where India deployed the biggest ever for to suppress the national liberation struggle. During this period the biggest number of engagements and also the longest battles were fought. According to UNLF record battles fought between 2003 and April 2006 crossed the 50 mark, monthly average being 1.6. In these battles the IOF suffered heavy casualties including senior officers. The long drawn out fighting and the heavy casualties demoralised the rank and files of the IOF. The MPA/UNLF has proved wrong the general misconception that to fight against the numerically far bigger IOF is next to impossible. The MPA has once again vindicated the historical truth that the legitimate desire of a nation to be independent cannot be suppressed by sheer military force, however big that force may be. Thus the UNLF/MPA has brought about a new confidence and faith among the people in the destiny of the national liberation struggle.

DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLE: As armed struggle began to gather momentum, people’s democratic struggle against the atrocities of Indian colonial rule also began to gather strength. The Great June Uprising of 18 June 2001 and the Great July Movement of 15 July 2004 are forceful expressions of the Manipuri people’s desire to exist with freedom and human dignity. These popular movements have shown that the national liberation struggle is not just the echo of isolated gun shots of a few armed organisations, but that it has become a national struggle in its real sense.

CONFLICT RESOLUTION: The Manipur-India Conflict has come to exist for 57 years since the forcible annexation of Manipur by India in 1949. Therefore, to fight against India using all means in order to regain Manipur’s sovereign independence, which is the core issue of the conflict, is the fundamental policy of the UNLF. This is the stand that has motivated the UNLF all along to fight against the IOF relentlessly. However, it is the considered view of the UNLF that the national struggle has now reached such a stage where a satisfactory solution could be negotiated by a few armed organisations or a few leaders with India. It has become imperative to involve the people of Manipur themselves, for whom the struggle is meant for, in the resolution of the decades-old conflict. Therefore, the issue whether Manipur shall remain within India or should become an independent country as before should be decided by the vote of the people. In order to bring about such a resolution of the Manipur-India Conflict once and for all, the UNLF declared a proposal on 28 January 2005 for holding a Plebiscite under UN aegis. However, for the UNLF as a Party, its stand on sovereign independence of Manipur remains unchanged. However, if and when a Plebiscite is held under UN aegis the UNLF will respect and honour the verdict of the people of Manipur. Until then the UNLF will continue to fight against India even more vigorously.